For the past year or so, our state has been subject to a brand of policies which are similar to those of revolutionary fore-bearers and fellow micronationalists alike who are esteemed amongst various ranks. These policies are some which separate those who have any sort of credible dedication to their states from those who see our earnest pursuit as a game, amongst the lives of children. This sort of policies can be found in many other states such as our own; from the older micronations of Sealand to the aged Flandrensis and to the young St.Charlie. These policies have been in practice in Sandus for nearly one year now and have never been defined or discussed in great detail, though they have shaped this state and have often been the cause of much division in both Sandus and the micronational world around us. Therefore, on the occasion of the secession of the State of Sandus and the creation thereof by my ascension to the Throne of Sandus, this treatise shall work to define and explain Sandus’ work in the past year for policies of professionalism and seriousness. However, to first begin that discussion and explication, we must first work to define this Sandum concept of professionalism.
Definition of Realism
In Sandus, the term we often use to relate these sort of policies are known as policies of professionalism or seriousness. However, that is not often the best explanation of those policies and is often the cause of the perception of some sort of personal attack against another that leads to public and official repercussions. Rather, it is more accurate to name these policies as policies of Realism. This is not meant to portray some sort of literary movement or even an artistic one, but it is rather meant to portray the style of these policies. It is often clear that various Realities exist in micronationalism. They include, but are not limited to, hobby micronationalism, virtual micronationalism, simulationism, and secessionist micronationalism, combined of both passive and progressive secessionist micronationalism. These types of micronationalism can be portrayed as a sort of linear scale, ranging from fun or hobby micronationalism to progressive secessionist micronationalism. These sorts of realities vary from being very much different from true reality and even attempt to create one’s own reality, i.e. hobby micronationalism, to a reality synonymous with that of the real world, i.e. secessionist micronationalism. However, with the creation of an alternate reality, one often conflicts and confuses their state with falsehoods of real-life and the world, which can have a damaging effect on the legitimacy and sovereignty of that state as it moves beyond the reality of the world. Therefore, as the saying goes, if one plays with fire, they ought expect to become burned. Rather, when one follows secessionist micronationalism, in its passive or progressive forms, one utilises reality of the world which we live in and therefore cultivate the legitimacy and sovereignty of our states. It is by the utilisation of real-world reality and the creation of responsible, mature states that one can be able to create a lasting state from the ground, up. Therefore, as it is in this State of Sandus that we pursue policies of the latter form of micronationalism, which follow passive secessionism, this is the form of Realism that is most important for our State. It is this form of passive secessionist micronationalism, which seeks a sovereign nation-state of willing and dedicated citizens that is pragmatic in utilising the reality of the true and real world for the benefits of the state, which has been in practice in our state for the past year or so.
This concept of passive secessionist micronationalism, known in Sandus as Realism, is not a concept which was first utilised in our state, though we may be the first to have conceptualised it as such. Rather, this concept has been in practice for years, even decades, under far and older micronations which eventually would become the shining stars of our micronational revolutions. Revolutionary predecessors including Sealand, Minerva and Rose Island utilised these policies’ various forms to stay afloat economically and politically. Sealand, in fact, grew out of this reality, as the state was founded upon pirate radio and the protection of it, representing a real source of economic income by the state of Sealand. When M. Bates, Prince of Sealand, fired upon workmen servicing a buoy near Fort Roughs, he utilised the legal position of the Fort and its geographic position in international waters to void charges against him in a British court and would make Sealand the real anomaly it is today. The reason that Sealand is respected in our micronational world is for the reason that M. Bates utilised real policies for the creation of legitimacy and sovereignty of his state. However, similar realities were utilised by the short-lived Republic of Minerva, for the landing upon the Minerva Reefs when they utilised real maritime vessels to land upon the reefs, and by Rose Island, which was home to a casino, a bar, a restaurant and other examples of real sources of economic income. It is these economic and political sources that governments may use in order to establish a sovereign nation-state, independent from a larger state or nation. Though these are examples of prominent micronations in our micronational world, examples can be found in our more immediate and humble micronational world. Flandrensis is an example of utilising these sources of legitimacy and sovereignty as Flandrensis was respected in Belgium as being a micronation that accomplished something its macronation could not do: operate a working government. Indeed Flandrensis attracted much attention and its sovereignty grew from this fact of an operating, democratic government and from the media which broadcasted this fact. St.Charlie, as well, is an example of a micronation which has utilised real democracy and a real system of bureaucracy which has up-lifted the status of St.Charlie for several years so far, and many more yet. St.Charlie stands out in our community as having a government which emanates that of a real state but is not deceived by the grandeur of real governments, as St.Charlie has the appropriate amount of political organs for its size.
Sandus has used these policies for the past year or so, though the beginning was spent largely unconscious of this fact. Sandus has created a form of government which, from its beginning, was meant to recognise the reality of our state, rather than the amusement or grandeur of its previous incarnations. The existence of the office of the S8gm8 establishes that in Sandus there has existed a position of its leader, which was originally de facto but now de jure since the Founding Law’s commencement. And before one begins to berate this state as some sort of dictatorship or un-democratic government, it should be known that the examples of real-world suffering by dictators are difficult to replicate upon a small scale due to the close behaviour of the leader with his people. That is not to say that such atrocities or offences can not be done in a micronational example but it more difficult and, in the example of our state, it is unlikely and unconstitutional per the Founding Law to violate the rights of the people. Therefore, the creation of our state was one which was founded upon the realism and recognition of a real notion which has been in Sandus since its foundation and independence on the 26th of May. These policies of realism were also benefited in our state under the creation of a constructed language that has become a cultural example of our state, albeit which has been utilised only rarely; the creation of the Sancta Calendar, which has been in use in Sandus for the past year this 18th of February; and, the creation of the Collegio Sacerdae, which utilised real religious practices for the cultural and educational benefit of our state and micronational world. Other minor examples include the creation of advisers under the positions of the San8ba and Comrade Representatives, though those positions have now been disbanded; the creation of the 27/9 foreign affairs policy and recognition official, whose power was invested in M. Sammut; and the Congress of the Citizens’ Communist Party of Sandus from the 7th to the 13th of November, 2011. These examples are those which have been utilised in our state and can be as numberless and ageless as the times to come; these examples will be regarded again in the history of Sandus’ Realism and will be examined again to uncover the process of the creation of a Realistic state and government.
The History of Sandus and Process of Realism
In the beginning, there was a thought that Realism was taught at first and caused a genesis for these policies. However, this can hardly be conceived as the ultimate truth. Rather, today, it is believed that Realism can be both taught and be self-created. In our Sandum history, we have viewed Realism in many forms. In the oldest form, we have conceived the Democratic People’s Republic of Sandus (DPRS). At its birth, the DPRS was meant to be a real example of Sandus in transition from its micronation to a real-world commune. This is a precedent and hope still in place today in the State of Sandus, though the DPRS had specific criteria in its founding Articles, such as a minimum of 50 citizens and actual habitable land, before a real government and sovereign state would be set up. At that point, upon meeting the criteria of that commune, Sandus would create a constitution which would be the pinnacle of Sandum society and philosophy. Therefore, the DPRS recognised itself as a provisional government until that day of founding of a sovereign state became possible. The State of Sandus continues to recognise this provisional being until Sandus forms a truly sovereign and independent commune; but this is also an example of Realism. The belief of being a provisional government is based upon the realisation, the manifestation of worldly reality in one’s mind, to the comprehension that the government is created for its provisional position and size. The State of Sandus’ recognition of this provisional status until the ownership of actual land is an example of realism by recognising the true status that one micronation has in the broader world. This is not to say that this provisional government is in no way temporary or has any sort of inherit issues or problems with its governance or organs, but that it is not a wholly functioning, sovereign state. Rather, one can recognise the sovereignty of a state over the capabilities of its own affairs and recognise that a state has little to no sovereignty in the affairs of its inhabited land. The dual process and status of recognising provisional states and split political-and-territorial sovereignty are both examples of politics of micronationalism being rooted upon the grounds of worldly reality.
However, as the DPRS fell and it ushered in the Barony of Kremlum Sandus, Sandus itself was harmed by the creation of politics meant to match a real macronational entity. Whilst this may be thought as an example of Realism, it is hardly so. To match one’s government with that of a macronation, in our case Liechtenstein’s, is to assume that we have the same capacities as that macronation. In reality, we do not: we are not wholly Princes or Prime Ministers, we are also students and waged labourers; we, single or a few of us, are not members of hundreds of members of a government, for we do not have the capacities of a hundred people inside our chest — no matter how romantic we want our dedication to our micronations to appear. Therefore, it was not wise of our state to have ushered in a political system that did the exact same in October 2010. Indeed our state’s activity was harmed as a result. However, our state came to realisation that such could no longer be the case. It was under the Territory of Sandus, St.Charlian Commonwealth, wherein we began to create policies of Realism. From the creation of real and pragmatic systems of government, to holding an election in the Territory for Governor and Prime Minister of St.Charlie, Sandus experienced and utilised realistic and pragmatic measures to perform policies. Therefore, in this sense, Realism can also be learned from a more capable, real power, in our case: St.Charlie. Indeed this basic structure of teaching micronations policy and the manner of governance is a reason M. Mejakhansk of Nemkhavia has given Nemkhavia’s Federation. In the case of the recent departure of Koss from Nemkhavia, M. Mello also expressed similar sentiments and hopes as some sort of learned capabilities from learning from a larger, more experienced micronation. This is not to say, however, that a nation entering a Federation or a Commonwealth is beneath the larger, hegemonic power. Rather, they may be just as well off alone than under the guise of a larger nation, but for what ever political reason have decided to organise themselves under that larger state. In the case of Sandus, our state was dealt two damaging political blows by the destruction of the DPRS following the ousting of Lethler and the Democratic People’s Republic of Erusia, the DPRS’ closest ally, and by the political failure under the Barony of Kremlum Sandus. The time under the Territory of Sandus, St.Charlian Commonwealth, gave us an opportunity to re-organise the state and its institutions, learn from a larger micronation in the real and pragmatic sense, and then create a more capable micronation with the founding of the State of Sandus on the 13th of April, 2011, a government which has existed longer than any other Sandum government and shall be celebrating its first anniversary of founding on the 13th of April, as well as the reason for this treatise being authored for our state and posterity.
With the founding of our State of Sandus on the 13th of April, it beckoned in a complete set of Realist policies. From Libera, to foreign affairs policies on seriousness and professionalism; from the creation of a pragmatic government under the S8gm8, to the creation of realistic advisors in their capacities — even if not in their actual day-to-day responsibilities; from the formation of the Congress of the CCPS, to the creation of the Collegio Sacerdae and the utilisation of the Sancta Calendar. These are examples of Sandus’ pragmatic policies for passive secessionist micronationalism in the past year, from the troubled times of the State Caucus and to-day. These are, as well, the epitome and the example of what our government means when it asks for professionalism and seriousness. It does not translate into a political sentence of telling another their point is wrong or off, but it translates into an ethical and moral responsibility to our own states, as we further them with Realist policies. Even some of Sandus’ political enemies have utilised Realist policies: from A1’s and Yabloko’s fora and political structures, to Erephisia’s technological and economic practices and Kozuc’s militaries. Therefore, it is safe to renounce these Realist policies, and those which we regarded in the last section of this treatise, as any sort of Sandum construction or innovation. Rather, the concept and the dedication to these policies of reality and Realism are Sandum in nature, as have been expressed over the course of the past year.