The One Before Whom Evil Trembles

I am the flame that shineth in the sanctuary.
I am Sekhmet. 

Sunday the 22nd ended in much fervour. The Chair of the GUM was found to have no confidence left by the majority of the organisation.

For Our State, it began the 8th of April, when with M. Tierney of Renasia we expressed our lack of faith and confidence in the Chair; he expressed a similar belief. From there, Mssrs. Sammut, Mello and Mme Caesar joined with this State to show their similar feelings. These discussions did not extend beyond these individuals for the simple fact that none other had expressed a similar lack of faith or confidence in the Chair. For some, the motion that was held on the 22nd of April was a motion that was planned and calculated; there was no such planning or calculation. In fact, the discussions began on the 8th of April. From that day on, Renasia and this State expressed a lack of force behind the matter, though our sentiments remains. It was not until the 14th of April, when a separate issue concerning another foreign micronationalist, prompted this rather fluid caucus to fall apart. Between those dates, the caucus declared that we would see where the now-former Chair would be in three weeks, which would have been April 29th to fall upon a Quorum day. That day would never come, just as the supposed plans behind the motion were never made. The caucus only came back with a lurch of activity on the 22nd of April, after the Chair had opened up the Quorum to Motions from Other Members. This government was contacted by the delegation from our Socilivo State of Blesbí; Sammut and Mello were proposing the motion of no confidence. This government remained non-committed to the matter as it offered no support but the editing of a few grammar mistakes and advising that the short proposal should include reasons. It was not until the motion was actually proposed that we knew that the caucus would be in the foray of either internal-caucus or internal-organisation politics; this State chose the latter, noting the proposal’s topic for delegations to express their confidence or lack thereof in the Chair. We expressed our honest sentiments on the issue, expressions which are now being called “traitorous” by a micronation which flaunts its “democratic” political freedoms.

The Motion of No Confidence passed; the Chair did not hold the confidence of the majority. A fork in the road of the GUM formed at that segment, a fork that is now being hammered back together. This government, however, was concerned over the affair and the uneasy calm that night; this government contacted its allied government in the Nemkhav Federation, only to be assured that the Nemkhav government thought the event was “simply an event” (sic, ad 20:50 SLT). Whether or not the message intended for this government was deliberate or not in its deception, it is clear that it withheld information from the State of Sandus — an ally of the Nemkhav Federation in both history and in international law, by force of a treaty. It ended with calming reassurance by the Nemkhav Prime Minister: “is there a problem you think is happening?” and “I’ve nothing to ad to the discussion” (sic).
The next morning, these reassurances were proven false.

It was not until around 15:00 SLT that this government became aware that it was intentionally deceived by the Nemkhav Federation, whose boisterous Federal government proclaimed immediate international protest to the Motion of No Confidence which passed with a democratic majority. The announcement simply read that the “premeditated attacks” “took place in name of personal advancement”. A formal statement was to be released “later today (Monday)”; it came more than twelve hours later. This government took it upon its responsibility, as the State of the Acting-Chairman of the GUM since the Motion, to contact the appropriate individuals; M. Mejakhansk, the Nemkhav Prime Minister, was first. It was at this point that this government believed that the Nemkhav President was operating alone and commandeering the work of his government due to the reassurances given the previous evening by the Nemkhav Premier; the reassurances, we were told, were “subsequently amended.” From this point on, this government was aware that we were deliberately lied to by all elements of the Nemkhav Federal government. The paranoia that we had once thought the President only had succumbed to, we learned had smothered all of our allied state. It was clear this moment forward that the Nemkhav government, which accused this government of acting for political benefit, had utilised no evidence in their implications but, rather, had only used the circumstantial evidence that was the mere truthful expression of this State’s lack of confidence in the former Chair. We were directed to the President, who informed us that he would return the request for diplomacy; that response never came.

The statement that was released that night, which seemingly originated from multiple authors, alluded only to the Sôgmô and served to implicate him as the sole individual responsible for the “coup d’etat” (sic) as he “participated in the coup for personal gain”. Even days after, with the history of the so-called caucus explained, Nemkhavia continues to adhere to its baseless paranoid tendencies which lack both evidence and facts. An apology was demanded from “the individuals involved in [the] unwarranted coup”; such an apology has not been granted as of yet by this government and, considering the current circumstances, may never be granted.

For the next day, the Nemkhav Federal government, with its brash behaviour in both private and public diplomacy, continued to express paranoid arguments that: the Motion had been, somehow, undemocratic; that those involved acted in their personal interests; and, that there were deliberate, manipulative plans to “overthrow” the Chair. However, the Motion was passed with a majority of members; those involved in such a recently called caucus had largely no power to gain or did not want to gain power, citing personal and micronational responsibilities; and, at no time, did such a caucus forge narrations to use for the destruction of the Chair’s credibility, as was implied and believed by the Nemkhav government. Attempts were made by this government to ascertain a peaceful diplomatic approach to the negotiating table that day of Tuesday the 24th, attempts that were met with personal attacks that the Sôgmô wished “to focus the light on [himself]”. N’daibena’skwa — “We are still here” — was uttered in defiance of a superstitional “Bradley’s Curse” that the Wyvernian King had mentioned as if a threat.

Normalcy was reached from that afternoon at 15:05 SLT and lasted until mid-Morning of Wednesday the 25th of April at 11:30 SLT when the Nemkhav Premier posted another statement. It alluded to another ‘subsequential amendment’ when Nemkhavia amended their words from a “breach of democracy” to a “breach of the democratic process” by holding a Motion of No Confidence; overall, however, the repetitive clamour from Nemkhavia is still one of a “breach of democracy”, despite attaining a democratic majority of vote in the Motion itself. The government again alluded to the “precision and premeditation” of the “co-ordinated coup against Bradley of Dullahan”, a mention that continued to show the stubborn ignorance of the Nemkhav government as well as its persistent annoyance in boycotting the Quorum session which would commence GUM business again and return the organisation to normalcy. Their boycott cost us the initial attempt at the regular-scheduled Quorum; however, a second attempt was made with a secondary delegate from Renasia, only to have more delegates attend the Quorum later on. Mme Caesar of the Austenasian Empire was elected as the Sôgmô’s Acting Vice-Chair under the same precedent as former Chair Dullahan. Nemkhavia continued in its now-regular immature behaviour by congratulating Mme Caesar and, later, questioned why it had to be “resolved so quickly”, as if to say that Nemkhavia had in fact wished to have been present at the proceedings wherein one of its delegates missed the opportunity to be elected as Acting Vice-Chair.

After the end of Quorum, private communication was made with Minister for Foreign Affairs Hakimoto, who informed this government in a seemingly desperate attempt to defend the Federation’s failed bullied attitude toward our State that the Nemkhav government was “still not willing to discount the possibility that Bradley’s ouster was a premeditated plot” (sic) despite having no evidence for such a plot at all. Communication was then forcefully established by Premier Mejakhansk whose more forceful attempt at remaining in line with the President’s foreign affairs policy and had utilised mimicking to assert that Sandus’ recognition of no difference between the delegation sent to the GUM from the State, the Acting Chairman and the government of the State was irrelevant to Nemkhavia’s own recognition that all three offices were independent — despite having the same office-holder. Upon further research of the Sandum State’s archives, the Nemkhav-Sandum Treaty of Februario MMXI (February 2012) was located and read during the intense negotiations wherein the Central People’s Government listed its complaints to the Nemkhav Federal government. However, such complaints had to be repeated thrice, indicating a break down of communication within Nemkhavia’s Federal government, leading the Sôgmô to joke that the United States Federal government, with hundreds of thousands of bureaucrats, was more competent and reliable than Nemkhavia’s small number of just three. The following complaints were given to the Nemkhav Federation as per the Treaty for Formal Relations between Nemkhav Federation and the State of Sandus:


It is often necessary for nations with common causes and philosophies to ally in order to further their mutual causes and succor each other. Acknowledging this necessity, this Treaty shall establish formal relations between the Nemkhav Federation and the State of Sandus.

I. Legal Status
1. Both parties shall ensure that their laws and regulations are able to accommodate the terms of this Treaty.
2. Upon its ratification, this Treaty shall be legally binding to both parties for an indefinite period.

II. Diplomatic Procedures
1. The diplomatic procedures between the Nemkhav Federation and the State of Sandus shall be conducted in a formal and dignified manner becoming of two sovereignties.
2. Any agreements between the Nemkhav Federation and the State of Sandus shall be spelled out clearly in a document; any such agreement shall be null and void unless the document is signed by both parties.
3. Such a document shall be legally binding to both parties.

III. Professionalism
1. Official representatives of both parties are obliged to act professionally and in a manner becoming of representatives of a sovereign state.
2. Both parties shall be responsible for the actions of any citizens, regardless of their political position, and are obliged to act appropriately on any citizen who has acted unprofessionally.
3. This requirement for professionalism extends to any venue in which the person is representing their nation, such as, but not limited to any micronational chat room, forum, or convention.

IV. Diplomatic Arrangement
1. Both parties should coordinate their diplomatic actions to maintain friendship and professionalism.
2. Both parties are obliged to avoid any action which would harm the other party in any intermicronational organisation.
3. Both parties are obliged to avoid any outward sign of unprofessional conflict with one another; such conflict should be resolved privately.

V. Conflict
1. Both parties are obliged to abstain from warfare of any kind.
2. Both parties are obliged to remain militarily neutral in any war.
3. Both parties are obliged to conduct negotiations prior to adopting or announcing any official position on a war, or any conflict.

VI. Violation
1. Negotiations should be commenced following any violation of this Treaty.
2. Any violation of this Treaty is grounds for its complete nullification; however, this is not a required course of action.
3. Any agreement which takes place as a result of such negotiations, as in all negotiations between the Nemkhav Federation and the State of Sandus, shall be spelled out in a document and ratified by both parties. This includes any nullification of this Treaty.
4. A period of 24 hours must pass following the ratification of any agreement nullifying this Treaty to come into effect; during that period of time negotiations may take place to reverse that agreement and reaffirm relations.

We, the undersigned, are legal representatives of our respective nations and agree to abide by the terms of this Treaty.
J.J. Hakimoto
Representative of the Nemkhav Federation
“William J. Sörgel”
Representative of the State of Sandus
16th of February, 2012; XVI H Februario MMXI

Upon the stipulations of Article IV, both Sandus and Nemkhavia should “coordinate their diplomatic actions and maintain friendship” and both are “obliged to avoid any action which would harm the other party in any intermicronational organisation.” It is clear to this State, as well as to the Supreme Judge of the GUM who gave an unofficial preliminary opinion upon the matter, that Nemkhavia has violated both IV.1. and IV.2. By accusing this government and this State of utilising its foreign affairs for political power, the Nemkhav government has implicated this government in immoral activity of any government — activity that is highly barbaric to the political and diplomatic decorum of the Sandum State which recognises that all micronations are in fact equal when professional decorum is maintained. By accusing this government of attempting to utilise our sincere sentiments concerning our confidence in the former Chair, the Nemkhav Federation has accused this government of violating the Sandum People’s most sacred maxim that bleeds across the spirit of our country just as the colours of our flag: that suffering exists and that hope and purity divides and vanquishes that suffering; it is by alluding that this Sandum government is corrupted by its own power to have led us to violate the trust of our society and the trust of our allies that Nemkhavia has in fact violated the sacred and historic friendship of our State that can not be mended by words alone. It is by the simple fact that Nemkhavia both deceived and lied to our State by not telling the complete truth to our government, which hoped for the complete unity of the organisation, and yet continued to defame our State as manipulative and addicted to the desire of power that Nemkhavia has instead attempted to “have one’s cake and eat it too“, as the idiom goes. It is by the fact that Nemkhavia has boycotted this Wednesday’s Quorum, further jeopardising the unity and the business of the organisation despite arguing its intention otherwise, that Nemkhavia has attempted to save its own power, due its attempts at boycotting were unsuccessful to prevent a Quorum from meeting. This boycott alone, an option taken because of the attendance of the Sandum delegation as alluded to in their multiple statements that address only this State, is an example of violating the obligation “to avoid any action which would harm the other party in any intermicronational organisation.” And, yet, even after negotiations with three different officials of the Nemkhav Federal government, their government maintains the belief that Sandus somehow worked in covert ways to bring down the former Chair and catapult ourselves to power, despite the lack of evidence for this record of events and only an abundance of evidence for the opposing view.

Sandus has attempted, time and time again, in many fields of foreign policy and foreign affairs to assert its complete peace in the community. From multiple requests for peaceful co-existence and relations with the Federated Republics of A1 to the now-multiple negotiations to the Nemkhav Federation for a return of normalcy and peace between our two states, this State has continuously asserted its peaceful existence — even going as far as to declare a period of isolation for the Winter season. The only explanation for the irate behaviour of the Nemkhav President is the fact that this State showed its diplomatic disfavour towards the state where President Whitmarsh originates from, Lewisham, which celebrated 4/20, a common holiday amongst narcotic abusers of the West, wherein the Nemkhav President promoted the consumption of marijuana; however, the State took great care in expressing its displeasure to the Nemkhav Premier last Friday. No other explanation exists for the irate behaviour and the casual disregard for Sandus’ close historic alliance with Nemkhavia by the Nemkhav Federal government as a whole. Unlike the Nemkhav Federation, however, this State tends to look for facts before making definitive policy. We shall continue to follow our three-stage solution, as this article of formal complaint is merely the first of three stages: the definitive address of complaints; seeking a judicial and impartial hearing from the GUM Supreme Judge; and, if all else fails, the ultimate nullification of the Treaty between both the State of Sandus and the Nemkhav Federation. It is, however, within the intention of this State to find a peaceful and firm solution to the problem between Nemkhavia and our State.

— Sôgmô Sörgel.